sexta-feira, 6 de março de 2026

Hegseth Brags of Mass Killings



With more than 1,000 civilian deaths in Iran, the U.S. secretary of war said the U.S. has loosened the rules of military engagement. “We are punching them while they’re down, which is exactly how it should be,” he said.

Dave DeCamp
March 5, 2026 

Secretary of War Pete Hegseth on Wednesday boasted of the “death and destruction” the U.S. military can rain down on Iran, as reports say that U.S. and Israeli airstrikes have killed over 1,000 Iranian civilians in just four days.

Hegseth said at a press briefing that the U.S. and Israel should soon have “complete control of Iranian skies” and that it would mean “Iranian leaders looking up and seeing only U.S. and Israeli airpower.”

“Every minute of every day until we decide it’s over, and Iran will be able to do nothing about it. B-2s, B-52s, B1s, Predator drones, fighters controlling the skies, picking targets, death and destruction from the sky all day long,” he added.

[As the Pentagon is reportedly seeking an additional $50 billion to wage its unauthorized war on Iran] Hegseth said the war wasn’t meant to be a “fair fight” and mentioned that the administration has loosened the rules of engagement for the military.

“Our war fighters have maximum authorities granted personally by the president and yours truly. Our rules of engagement are bold, precise, and designed to unleash American power, not shackle it. This was never meant to be a fair fight. And it is not a fair fight. We are punching them while they’re down, which is exactly how it should be,” he said.

Hegseth said that in the attack on Iran, which he has dubbed “Operation Epic Fury,” the U.S. military has “delivered twice the air power of ‘Shock and Awe’ in 2003,” referring to the massive bombing campaign that opened the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine said at the conference that the U.S. had hit over 2,000 targets inside Iran so far.

 

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff U.S. Air Force Gen. Dan Caine conducting a press briefing Wednesday at the Pentagon on the U.S attack on Iran. (DoW /Alexander Kubitza) 

The Human Rights Activists News Agency, or HRANA, a U.S.-based and US-funded NGO that’s very critical of the Iranian government, said on Tuesday night that at least 1,097 civilians have been killed and more than 5,000 have been wounded.

Citing Iranian medical authorities, Al Jazeera also reported on Wednesday that over 1,000 civilians have been killed. The HRANA said that targets struck over the previous 24-hour period included several military bases, two medical centers, and one residential area.

The worst known civilian massacre occurred on the first day of the bombing campaign, when a missile struck an elementary school in Minab, southern Iran, killing 165 people, mostly students.

Hegseth was asked about the strike and whose munition struck the school and said the U.S. military was “investigating” the matter. A map displayed during the briefing that showed areas the US had bombed showed that Minab was right in the middle of a strike zone.

The civilian death toll is expected to continue rising as Hegseth’s message during the briefing was that the war was just getting started and that more U.S. forces were on their way to the Middle East. “More bombers, fighters are arriving just today.

And now with complete control of the skies, we will be using 500-pound, 1,000-pound and 2,000-pound GPS-and-laser-guided precision gravity bombs, which we have a nearly unlimited stockpile,” he said.

Dave DeCamp is the news editor of Antiwar.com, follow him on Twitter @decampdave.

This article is from Antiwar.com

Source: https://consortiumnews.com/2026/03/05/hegseth-brags-of-mass-killing-in-iran/

‘Atrocity at sea’: Iran blasts U.S. after frigate IRIS Dena struck in international waters


The Iranian military ship, IRIS Dena, which sank after an American torpedo attack had recently participated in a naval exercise in India. (Image: Reuters) 


Adijata Ziga
March 5, 2026

In a Pentagon briefing on Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth acknowledged the submarine strike, describing it as evidence of America’s global reach in its conflict with Iran.⁠  

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has warned the United States it will “bitterly regret” sinking an Iranian frigate near Sri Lanka. 

In a post on X early Thursday, Araghchi condemned the United States, saying it “has perpetrated an atrocity at sea, 2,000 miles away from Iran’s shores.” 

He said the frigate IRIS Dena, a guest of India’s Navy carrying almost 130 sailors, was struck in international waters without warning. 

“Mark my words: The U.S. will come to bitterly regret the precedent it has set,” he added. 

The U.S. Department of War released footage showing a U.S. submarine firing a torpedo at the Iranian frigate IRIS Dena, sinking it off the southern coast of Sri Lanka on Wednesday, killing at least 80 people, according to Sri Lanka’s deputy foreign minister. 

In a Pentagon briefing on Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth acknowledged the submarine strike, describing it as evidence of America’s global reach in its conflict with Iran.⁠  

He said that an American submarine sank an Iranian warship  “that thought it was safe in international waters”. 

“Instead, it was sunk by a torpedo. Quiet death. The first sinking of an enemy ship by a torpedo since World War II. Yesterday,” he said 

 

A Sri Lankan authority told Al Jazeera the frigate IRIS Dena, located about 40 nautical miles (75km) off Galle in southern Sri Lanka, sent out a distress call between 6 am and 7 am on Wednesday (00:30 to 01:30 GMT).

Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath told parliament that the navy had received information that the ship was in distress, and that the government had sent ships and air force planes on a rescue mission.

But by the time Sri Lanka’s navy reached the location, there was no sign of the ship, “only some oil patches and life rafts,” navy spokesman Commander Buddhika Sampath said.

“We found people floating on the water,” Sampath concluded.

A Sri Lankan navy spokesperson said no other ship or aircraft was observed in the area where the Iranian warship sank.

A further 140 people remain missing, with 32 crew members rescued by the Sri Lankan navy off the port city of Galle. 

The IRIS Dena had been returning to Iran after taking part in a multilateral naval exercise in the Bay of Bengal hosted by India.⁠

The warship’s sinking occurred as the United States and Israel conducted air strikes on Iran for a fifth day after killing Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and nearly 800 other people, including dozens of schoolgirls.

 

Source: https://dohanews.co/atrocity-at-sea-iran-blasts-u-s-after-frigate-iris-dena-struck-in-international-waters/

The Iran War Is Unfathomably Depraved



Our media’s sanitized coverage obscures the human toll. Are we able to confront the full sickening evil of what the U.S. is doing?

Nathan J. Robinson

In the first hours of the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran, up to 175 young children and school staff were blown to pieces at an elementary school. Others were maimed and burned, and will be suffering from their injuries for the rest of their lives. Even any comparatively fortunate ones with minimal injuries will surely experience permanent trauma from having witnessed something so horrific. Witnesses describe scenes of unfathomable horror, with limbs and blood strewn across classrooms. “People were pulling out children’s arms and legs. People were pulling out severed heads,” said a woman whose child was killed. The Guardian cites verified videos that show “children’s bodies lying partly buried under the debris”:

In one video, a very small child’s severed arm is pulled from the rubble. Colourful backpacks covered with blood and concrete dust sit among the ruins. One girl wears a green dress with gingham patches on her pockets and the collar, her form partly obscured by a black body bag. Screams can be heard in the background.

Drop Site News spoke to the father of a six-year-old girl, Sara Shariatmadar, who was killed in the attack. “I cannot understand how a place where innocent children learn can be bombed like this,” he said. “We are talking about small children who knew nothing of politics or wars. And yet they are the ones paying the highest price.”

The United States and Israel have not denied responsibility for the attack, although it is still unclear which country fired the missile. The U.S. said that it does not “target” schools, which does not mean that it does not bomb them. (“We take these reports seriously,” a spokesman said.) Israel’s spokesperson said the government was not “aware” of such an attack, which does not mean its military did not carry one out. Photos supposedly showing that a misfired Iranian missile caused it were debunked, although they spread widely online among Americans and Israelis desperate to believe that only the Bad Guys do things like this.

Domestic coverage of this horrible crime against humanity has been muted. U.S. media has a policy of not showing gruesome images of violence—the Guardian explicitly stated that it was concealing the photos and videos it had “due to their graphic nature.” As a result, war is always sanitized, so that Americans can read that 150+ schoolgirls were killed without having to confront the full horror of what it means for their country to drive a missile into a crowded school in the middle of the day. (Saturday is a school day in Iran, a fact that the U.S. government would easily have been able to know when deciding how to time its attacks, but Secretary of War Pete Hegseth has been open about the fact that he regards such niceties as rules of engagement and international law as meddlesome hindrances that can be ignored, lambasting those who “wring their hands and clutch their pearls, hemming and hawing about the use of force.”)

I suspect that this attack is also difficult for U.S. media to cover because the basic facts of the situation are so twisted, so depraved, so evil, that they shatter the comforting narrative that the U.S. has the moral high ground over the Ayatollah. In fact, the U.S. government is on the moral level of the Sandy Hook school shooter, a fact that even president Trump’s critics may have a hard time fully accepting.

And this was not the only massacre carried out by the U.S. and Israel in a war that has been going on just a few days. The Human Rights Activists News Agency reports that there have already been over 1,000 civilian deaths in Iran, including 181 children under the age of ten, with thousands more civilians injured. Drop Site reports on the nauseating scene in a middle-class Tehran neighborhood following a “double tap” strike (dropping one bomb first, and then dropping another on the survivors and emergency responders, a favorite war crime of the U.S. and Israel). Warning, the following description is extremely graphic and may undermine any love you may have for your country:

Videos of the immediate aftermath of the attack showed several individuals dead and wounded as well as massive destruction on the street outside. In Cafe Ahla, next to the square, blood and debris soaked the floors. Several patrons who had been sitting there when the attack struck could be seen dead on the floor or with their mutilated bodies still sprawled across their seats. “We were sitting here around 8:00-8:30 p.m. and suddenly there was the noise and explosion. We got up and a few people ran away. We turned around to get our belongings and we saw that blood was spraying everywhere. Someone’s hand had fallen on the floor, a head had fallen on the floor,” said Shahin, a witness who had been at the cafe and asked to be identified by first name only. “There were scalps torn off, hands severed, a few people were laying here all cut up and two people were martyred.”

I will get to the many ways in which the Iran war is illegal, making us less safe, founded on lies, strategically insane, unbelievably costly, etc. But let us dwell for a moment on what we are doing to these people. The right-wing Telegraph newspaper reports that in Tehran, “millions of civilians are trapped under relentless bombardment as food and medical supplies dwindle and the death toll mounts,” and the city is an “‘apocalypse’ of hospitals in flames and children buried beneath rubble.” The paper records a total humanitarian disaster, with sick people lacking medicine, children going hungry, diabetics running out of insulin, and the repeated bombing of residential areas. While Americans pat themselves on the back for assassinating Iran’s repressive head of state, everyday Iranians (even those with little love for their theocratic government) are facing the prospect of being killed at any moment, or watching their children be ripped to pieces. I realize that in the U.S., the devaluation of Middle Eastern lives means that little Iranian girls will receive a fraction of the compassion and concern that has arisen around, say, Nancy Guthrie. But if we apply our morality consistently, I cannot see how we can be anything other than completely revolted by the carnage our president is choosing to inflict (and will apparently soon be further escalating, according to Marco Rubio, who is promising an increased use of force to come, and Pete Hegseth, who is salivating about delivering “death and destruction all day long”).

We are all complicit. If you are an American, you paid your government to murder those little girls and those Tehran cafe-goers. Money was withdrawn from your paycheck in the form of federal income taxes. If the attack was conducted with a Tomahawk missile (of which 400 were fired in 72 hours), that money would have been paid to the RTX Corporation (formerly Raytheon). Each missile fired costs somewhere between $1.3 million and $2.2 million, of which approximately $200,000 would be pure profit. Thus the killing of the Iranian schoolgirls, which left their bloody backpacks and tiny severed limbs scattered across classroom floors, transferred hundreds of thousands of dollars from us (the American taxpayers) into RTX’s bank accounts. It also boosted the GDP. And the stock market.

 

Stock price of RTX (formerly Raytheon)

 

It is hard for me to write about this war, because I am so sickened every time I contemplate the full dark reality of the country I live in. I realize that not only are there people who will drop a bomb on a school without losing a wink of sleep, but there are people who get rich when we bomb schools, who have a direct financial stake in ensuring we keep dropping as many bombs as possible. (And that’s just the weapons companies. Others are getting rich from betting on the atrocities on prediction markets.) The fact that many Congressional Democrats implicitly or explicitly supported this war (whether by outright goading Trump into it, as Chuck Schumer did, dragging their feet on opposing it, or raising meek procedural objections) further adds to my disgust. Many Democrats apparently declined to try to stop the war, reasoning that if it achieved U.S. foreign policy goals it would be embarrassing to have opposed it, but if it went south Trump would own it anyway. When I open the New York Times op-ed page, and I find resident foreign policy guru Thomas Friedman cautioning against adopting any “black and white narrative” about what goes on in “a complicated, kaleidoscopic region,” I want to vomit. The moment calls for moral clarity: our country is engaged in a mass murder campaign. It must be stopped. It is depressing to see so many debates around strategic end-goals, congressional authorization, or the consistency of the justifications. They take us away from the basic fact that our president, with the blessing of his party and many members of the so-called opposition, is gruesomely murdering children by the dozen. Every day this continues, we are paying our government to commit some of the worst crimes humans are capable of.

 


 

Of course, the war is also based on a pack of lies. The Trump administration can’t even get its story straight on why the war is being waged and has produced no justification beyond vague invocations of National Security. (Trump says Iran was a “bad seed.”) Some Republicans won’t even admit that this is a war. (Perhaps they might want to borrow a phrase from Vladimir Putin: “special military operation.”) House Speaker Mike Johnson is trying to have it both ways, saying that while the Iranians “have declared war on us,” we’re “not at war right now.” Others are tying themselves in pretzels trying to explain how this differs from the “regime change” wars that Trump has so vocally opposed. (Pete Hegseth: “This is not a so-called 'regime change war.' But the regime sure did change.”) Sometimes there are direct self-contradictions within a single sentence, as with Tom Cotton declaring that “Iran has been an imminent threat to the United States for 47 years.” This was too much for right-wing commentator Matt Walsh, who accused Republicans of “gaslighting” for suddenly discovering that Iran has been waging a half-century of war against the U.S. Even leading Iraq war hawk Bill Kristol is confused about the reasoning behind the war, saying there is “no coherent rationale.” (Of course, Kristol’s own favorite Middle East war was equally illegitimate, but that’s an argument for another day.)

Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the U.S. attacked because it knew Israel was going to attack, and needed to defend itself against the inevitable Iranian retaliation for Israel’s attack—perhaps the most tortured and unpersuasive case for self-defense ever made. Perhaps because this seemed like an admission that Israeli choices dictate U.S. policy, Trump subsequently denied that Israeli decision-making had anything to do with the attack, although it’s clear that Benjamin Netanyahu lobbied heavily for this, as he has been salivating at the prospect of a major war with Iran for decades, and has been scheming for a way to get the U.S. involved.

The idea that Iran was a threat to the United States was always laughable. U.S. intelligence has consistently assessed that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon. The Trump administration itself declared that it had destroyed Iran’s nuclear program with last year’s bombings. Iran has in fact consistently shown itself very reluctant to engage in military confrontation with the U.S., often carefully limiting its retaliation after U.S. provocations. To the extent that Iran did want to become a nuclear threshold state, with at least the capacity to pursue a weapons program if it wanted to, credible analysts believe that Iran mainly wanted an insurance policy against potential U.S. and Israeli attacks. North Korea has shown that the possession of nuclear weapons is enough to make the U.S. think twice about forcible regime change, and there is a good argument that it would have been rational for Iran to pursue nuclear weapons for the sake of its own self-protection. As Israeli military historian Martin Van Creveld observed, the world “witnessed how the United States attacked Iraq for, as it turned out, no reason at all. Had the Iranians not tried to build nuclear weapons, they would be crazy.” (Van Creveld is wrong that Iraq was attacked for “no reason,” however. It was attacked for the same reason Iran is being attacked: the establishment of U.S.-Israeli dominance over the Middle East.) While U.S. commentators often talk as if Iran would pursue nuclear weapons mainly in order to destroy the U.S. or Israel (which would, of course, be suicidal given both countries’ superior nuclear forces), there’s no evidence that Iran would want nuclear weapons for any reason beyond deterring potential external attacks. (A fear that recent events have proven to be well-founded.)

In fact, the entire prevailing narrative about Iran is completely backwards. It’s the U.S. that has been a threat to Iran, not the other way around. It was the United States and Britain that overthrew Iran’s legitimately elected leader, Mohammad Mosaddegh, in 1953. (The New York Times was elated by the coup, commenting that “underdeveloped countries with rich resources now have an object lesson in the heavy cost that must be paid by one of their number which goes berserk with fanatical nationalism.”) Since 1979, when the Iranians ousted the dictator (the Shah) that the U.S. had helped install and maintain in power, the U.S. has had a virtually unremittingly hostile attitude toward Iran. This is not because of the government’s (very real) human rights abuses, since the U.S. is happy to support human rights abusing states that are pliant and servile (see, e.g., Saudi Arabia and Egypt). But Iran is viewed as a threat to U.S. dominance in the Middle East. Thus, in the 1980s, the U.S. supported Saddam Hussein as he waged a ruthless war of aggression against Iran, killing hundreds of thousands of Iranians including with chemical weapons. (The U.S. concealed evidence of Hussein’s chemical weapon use from the UN, because it wanted him to go on killing Iranians.) More recently, the U.S. and Israel have tried to destabilize the country through devastating cyberattacks, economy-wrecking sanctions, and assassinations. The sanctions have been explicitly aimed at harming civilians, with Mike Pompeo boasting in 2019 that “things are much worse for the Iranian people” thanks to sanctions and hoping that their suffering would lead them to overthrow their government.

Importantly, while U.S. policymakers in both the Republican and Democratic parties constantly affirm that “Iran must not be allowed to have nuclear weapons,” they rarely state their implicit corollary to this proposition, which is that Israel must be allowed to have nuclear weapons. As it happens, Iran actually agrees that it shouldn’t be allowed to have nukes, and has long supported turning the entire Middle East into an official nuclear weapons free zone, much as Africa and Latin America have done. The problem is that the U.S. and Israel demand a double standard, with Israel refusing to contemplate giving up its nuclear weapons. The entire nuclear disagreement, then, is not about whether Iran should have nuclear weapons, but about whether Iran should hold itself to a different standard to Israel. (Amusingly, Chuck Schumer recently accidentally declared that “no one wants a nuclear Israel,” and had to correct himself, because he does want a nuclear Israel.)

Anyone who values human life should treat war as an absolute last resort, to be engaged in only once every diplomatic option has been exhausted. In this case, it was the Trump administration that sabotaged diplomacy. First, even though asking Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons means imposing an unfair double standard that imperils Iran’s national security, Iran had agreed under the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action to severely constrain its development of nuclear technology, and agreed to a detailed monitoring and compliance regime. It was confirmed to be adhering to that agreement until Donald Trump ripped it up in 2018, subsequently criticizing Iran for failing to adhere to the agreement that he himself had destroyed. Joe Biden declined to pursue the revival of that agreement, even though Iran signaled that it was open to it. But to this day, Iran has shown that it is willing to consider even highly unfavorable agreements in order to avoid war—it has never shown any sign of launching an unprovoked strike, only deploying military action in response to violence by others, such as an Israeli attack on its embassy or the assassination of its allies’ leaders.

Iran has long wanted to keep a war with the U.S. from breaking out, which is why its responses to U.S. and Israeli attacks have previously been notably measured and cautious. (This time around, Iran reasons that unless it inflicts major damage, it will be perceived as weak and attacked further, since previous restraint only encouraged the U.S. and Israel to press their advantage.) Diplomatic talks between the U.S. and Iran were ongoing, and Oman, mediating talks, saw “the most promising diplomatic opening in years” and thought “diplomacy was producing tangible results and that a negotiated settlement was imminent.” The U.S. and Israel decided to sabotage diplomacy and assassinate the Iranian head of state, possibly because they felt they just couldn’t forgo the opportunity to kill as many high-ranking Iranians as possible in one fell swoop. (They killed so many Iranian government officials that Donald Trump admitted the U.S. had killed all of the people who had been considered likely candidates to take Khamenei’s place.) Iran professed itself baffled as to why the U.S. attacked. “I do not know why the U.S. administration insists on beginning a negotiation with Iran and then attacking Iran in the middle of talks,” said the country’s foreign minister. He told NBC: “We were able to address serious questions related to Iran’s nuclear program. We obviously have differences, but we resolved some of those differences, and we decided to continue in order to resolve the rest of [the] questions.”

Because mass civilian casualties are a predictable consequence of intense airstrikes, to choose to unnecessarily end diplomatic engagement and start bombing is unconscionable depravity. But it’s clear that the Trump administration didn’t really care whether Iran was genuinely willing to engage in diplomacy, because Trump’s position is that Iran should simply do what we say, period. There is nothing to negotiate, because for Trump, the only choice is whether a country is willing to comply with U.S. demands, or whether we will have to use force to ensure their compliance.

I haven’t even gotten to the illegality of the war. Leaving aside the ridiculous Republican denials that this is a war (if a country assassinated our head of state and bombed our cities, would anyone doubt that they were waging war?), it’s plain that all of this is unconstitutional. The Constitution vests the power to declare war in Congress, not the president. Congress didn’t declare war, therefore the war is illegal. Case closed. I know presidents have stretched their powers as far as possible (Obama’s drone strikes, etc.) but if a president has the power to wage a relentless bombing and assassination campaign without Congressional approval, the Constitution simply ceases to mean anything. Congress has plainly failed in its responsibility to ensure that Trump complies with the Constitution, but the failure of our politicians to enforce the law doesn’t change what it says.

Of course, it virtually goes without saying that the war violates international law. The UN Charter prohibits the use of force (or even the threat of force) except in response to an armed attack. Iran had not attacked the U.S., nor was there any evidence Iran was going to attack the U.S. Propagandists assert that Iran (and its “proxies”) have killed “hundreds” of Americans over the years, but they decline to specify who these Americans are or discuss the Iranians killed by the U.S. and our own “proxies.” There’s no real point discussing international law, because Trump has made it clear he simply doesn’t care about it, saying he doesn’t need it and is unconstrained by it. Unfortunately, other countries have been just as pathetically weak as members of the U.S. Congress, with countries like Britain and France issuing statements that were de facto supportive of the assassination of a foreign head of state. (Canada issued a supportive statement and then appeared to regret it after noticing that letting the U.S. and Israel tear up the last vestiges of international law might be unwise.) Germany’s chancellor has even made the stunning statement that Iran shouldn’t be protected by international law, waving away the obvious illegality of the attacks by saying that “now is not the time to lecture our partners and allies.” The killing of a head of state is a major crime, the normalization of which would open a horrible Pandora’s box of lawless state action, and the world should be unified in condemning U.S.-Israeli lawlessness, but even among the Arab states there is a reluctance to antagonize the U.S.

None of the long-term consequences of this war will be good. The Trump administration does not appear to have any kind of strategic plan for what will happen next in Iran. (Lindsey Graham says it’s “not [Trump’s] job” to have a plan for what happens to the country’s government next.) We could see the country’s collapse into civil war, Libya-style. (Obama adviser Ben Rhodes recently admitted that Obama’s decision to topple Libya’s dictator without a plan for the country was a major error.) We could simply see the hard-line theocrats be replaced by more hard-line theocrats who are more convinced than ever that there can be no negotiating with the U.S., that the only language this country understands is force, and that the best thing for Iran’s safety would be for it to obtain a nuclear weapon as quickly as possible. What we are unlikely to see is a pro-American government emerging, and this war puts Americans everywhere in considerable danger. (Ask yourself: if what happened to Sara Shariatmadar happened to someone you love, would you see the country that carried out the bombing as a liberator? Or would you want revenge?) Although plenty of Iranians are justly celebrating the end of the Ayatollah’s rule, like the Iraqis who celebrated in 2003, they will soon find out that the U.S. has no interest in their well-being, and will happily watch their country slide into civil war if this serves America’s perceived “national security” interest.

Six Americans have already died in addition to the 1,000 Iranians. Because this is a war of choice, totally unnecessary and unjustifiable, their blood is on Donald Trump’s hands, and he (as well as Congress) should be treated no differently than we would treat someone who murdered these Americans with their bare hands. But the costs to this country are only just beginning. Of course, if you’re an RTX shareholder this may be a bonanza, but the rest of us are likely to see major economic disruption, in addition to all the resources that are put into the production of weapons. Eisenhower famously tried to warn Americans that war spending is an act of “theft” from the public, because it’s money not spent on schools and hospitals, and the “opportunity cost” is therefore enormous. But Eisenhower’s warning has largely been ignored.

Worse, as Abby Martin notes in the terrifying and important new film Earth’s Greatest Enemy, military action has catastrophic climate consequences, since the U.S. war machine is the world’s biggest polluter and the carbon emissions of our vast, brutal empire are driving us toward ever-worsening climate catastrophe. Unfortunately, that’s just fine with some in the administration and the military—terrifying recent reporting suggests that some evangelical Christian officers are celebrating the war as hastening the apocalypse, claiming Trump was “anointed by Jesus to light the signal fire in Iran to cause Armageddon and mark his return to Earth.” These people would sacrifice the rest of us to the inferno to fulfill their delusional prophecies.

Of course, the war reveals that Trump and his coterie were complete frauds when they pledged to keep the U.S. out of senseless Middle East wars. Trump fooled a lot of people with this stuff, although hopefully their illusions will now be hard to maintain. (Former hardcore MAGA types like Alex Jones and Nick Fuentes are now admitting they were duped.) If there is one silver lining here, amid all of the horror, it is that because this war is deeply unpopular and Trump has no idea how to deal with its consequences, perhaps we will finally see the MAGA movement collapse politically. Trump’s approval rating was already in the toilet, and while I sadly have no illusions that public opinion will be especially moved by the bombing of a school, when the fallout in cost, lives, and global chaos begins to come home, perhaps Americans will turn once and for good against their warmongering president.

But it is hard for me to think hopefully right now, as I see pictures of the remnants of former schoolchildren, schoolchildren whose lives were brutally extinguished with the help of my tax dollars. All I can feel is horror and rage at the sociopaths willing to do such things, who claim to want peace while ensuring that humanity will be consigned to a future of endless, senseless conflict.

 

PHOTO: Graves being dug for the elementary school girls killed in the bombing of the Minab school. Iran Foreign Ministry. 

Source:  https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/the-iran-war-is-unfathomably-depraved

The Unthinkable Is Imminent: Why I Believe a Radiological False Flag Is Being Prepared for American Soil

 


Mike Adams
March 4, 2026 

A Warning Based on Patterns, Not Paranoia

I am writing this not as a doomer, but as someone who has spent decades investigating the hidden hands that shape our world. The evidence I have compiled, from historical records to current geopolitical maneuvers, points to a chilling conclusion: elements within the globalist power structure may be actively preparing a catastrophic false flag operation on American soil. The goal is to manufacture the emotional fury necessary to launch a genocidal ground invasion against Iran in order to appease Zionist Israel.

In my view, this is not a distant possibility, but a rapidly approaching probability. Donald Trump, having won the 2024 election, is now President, and Republicans control Congress, but they are not in charge. As I will argue, the entire federal apparatus has been so thoroughly captured by Zionist interests that it now functions as a subsidiary, willing to betray its own citizens to serve a foreign agenda. The patterns of deception are too clear, the logic too cold, and the stakes too high to ignore.

Why I'm Convinced: A Pattern Too Clear to Ignore

History provides the most damning evidence. The 1967 attack on the USS Liberty, a U.S. Navy intelligence ship, by Israeli forces is a textbook case. Israel claimed it was an accident, but surviving crew members insisted it was a deliberate, premeditated assault. [1] The cover-up was immediate and comprehensive, with hearings held in closed sessions and survivors subjected to gag orders. [1] This was not an anomaly; it was a demonstration of method. When a nation can brazenly attack its chief benefactor, murder American sailors, and face zero consequences, it learns a dangerous lesson about American subservience.

That lesson has been applied repeatedly. Former Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky revealed in his book how Israel used a 'Trojan Horse' communications system in 1986 to make transmissions appear to originate from Libya, supporting terrorism. [2] The U.S. National Security Agency intercepted these 'Libyan' messages, leading the Reagan administration to bomb Libyan targets. [2] This is the playbook: create a provocation, frame an enemy, and watch as America's military might is unleashed on your behalf. Today, the political climate mirrors the pre-9/11 period, where strong U.S. public opposition to a war with Iran creates a need for manufactured consent. As one analysis noted, the U.S. and Zionists frequently assert Iran might close the Strait of Hormuz, but if someone were to close it, 'it would likely be the United States, blaming it on Iran.' [3]

The Logic of Escalation: Why 9-11 Wouldn't Be Enough Today

The psychological landscape has changed. The trauma of 9/11, which killed nearly 3,000 people, cannot be replicated in today's media-saturated, trauma-numbed society. We have lived through decades of war, a engineered pandemic, and constant fear propaganda. The public's threshold for shock is far higher. In my assessment, the Zionist calculus has adapted. They now believe they need an event causing not thousands, but tens of thousands of American deaths to generate the required level of blind, unifying fury.

This grim arithmetic points directly toward a radiological or nuclear event. Only such an 'upgrade' -- a 'dirty bomb' rendering a city district uninhabitable or even a low-yield nuclear detonation -- could produce the existential terror and unanimous demand for vengeance that 9/11 once did. As noted in analysis of potential globalist disruptions, 'they could orchestrate a false flag event involving nuclear terrorism within an American city, blaming it on Russia or North Korea.' [4]

The Means and Method: A Nuke in the Homeland, With Permission

Israel possesses an estimated 80-400 nuclear weapons, provided through decades of covert collaboration with a complicit U.S. establishment that turns a blind eye to its own non-proliferation laws. The means are not in question. The method, in my view, relies on the near-total control Zionist operatives exert over key U.S. institutions. The entire federal apparatus, from the intelligence community to border security, now operates as a subsidiary. If a weapon needed to be moved into position, the command to stand down would be given.

A radiological dispersal device (RDD), or 'dirty bomb,' is a highly plausible alternative. It combines conventional explosives with radioactive material, creating panic, long-term contamination, and a perfect frame job. Recent accusations, such as Russia claiming Ukraine imported materials for a potential 'dirty bomb' false flag, show this concept is active in geopolitical warfare. [5] The goal is not necessarily maximum immediate casualties, but maximum psychological and economic disruption -- rendering a symbolic part of a major American city uninhabitable and perfectly blaming Iran. The provided government documents explicitly warn that such an attack 'may pose significant consequences for public safety and critical infrastructure.' [6]

The Naval Option: A Modern-Day USS Liberty, Sunk and Blamed

We must not rule out a maritime provocation, a tactic with proven results. A modern replay of the USS Liberty attack -- sinking a U.S. naval vessel and blaming it on Iranian forces or proxies -- is a terrifyingly straightforward option. It is a proven Zionist tactic. [1] Such an event in the tense waters of the Persian Gulf would provide an instantaneous casus belli for war escalation targeting Iran.

The obedient corporate media, which has long functioned as a propaganda arm for this agenda, would parrot the narrative without a shred of critical investigation. They would amplify the calls for vengeance. This event could then be used to justify not just a conventional war, but the 'moral' necessity of using tactical nuclear weapons against Iran in retaliation, under the pretext of responding to a WMD attack on U.S. forces. The narrative would be seamless and overwhelming.

The Endgame: Manufacturing Consent for Nuclear Annihilation

The ultimate goal is explicit and horrifying: to create the visceral, emotional justification for the United States to launch a nuclear first strike on Iran. The last remaining obstacle to the 'Greater Israel' project is a sovereign Iran that refuses to submit. Removing this obstacle by conventional means is seen as too costly and slow. A nuclear solution, once politically unthinkable, must be made thinkable -- and then desirable -- to the American public.

Politicians, including prominent figures in the current administration and Congress, would seize the moment. Imagine the speeches: 'They brought a radiological nightmare to our shores,' or 'They sank our ship, now we must sink their nation.' They would declare, 'They nuked us first,' to unlock public support for what would be, in effect, a genocide. This is the culmination of a long-standing strategy. As one source describes the Zionist state, it 'only knows how to resolve all conflicts with military force and violent reactions.' [7] This is the final, violent reaction to secure regional hegemony by any means necessary.

Conclusion: Vigilance, Decentralization, and Seeking Truth

I am convinced the planning for this atrocity is already advancing. The pieces are in place: the historical precedent, the motive, the means, and a captured governing class. The trigger could be pulled at any time, likely during a period of heightened tension, to achieve maximum catalytic effect.

Our only defense is awareness, decentralization, and a relentless pursuit of truth outside the controlled narrative. Do not wait for the corporate media to tell you what happened. I urge readers to seek information from uncensored, independent platforms. For deep research on survival and preparedness, use the AI engine at BrightAnswers.ai, which is trained on a vast library of suppressed knowledge. For uncensored video content, see my videos at BrightVideos.com and for free speech social media, join Brighteon.social

Prepare yourself practically. Consider the security of your family, your community, and your sources of information. The institutions designed to protect you cannot be trusted. In this dark hour, self-reliance, clear thinking, and a network of truth-seekers are our greatest assets. The unthinkable is being planned. We must be ready to expose it, survive it, and remember who the true architects were.

References

  1. Accessing the Healing Power of the Vagus Nerve SelfHelp Exercises for Anxiety Depression Trauma. PDF Expert 22 Mac_1.
  2. Universe Eleventh Edition. PDF Expert 22 Mac.
  3. 2025 09 24 BBN Interview with Yon . Mike Adams.
  4. Brighteon Broadcast News - The Globalist Agenda To DISRUPT And DESTROY - Mike Adams - Brighteon.com. Mike Adams - Brighteon.com. October 10, 2024.
  5. Russia accuses Ukraine of covertly importing radioactive materials for a potential “dirty bomb” false flag operation. - NaturalNews.com. December 14, 2025.
  6. RADIOLOGICAL THREAT AWARENESS - DNI.
  7. ISRAEL IS DONE Its over—finished as a nation state Heres why. - NaturalNews.com. NaturalNews.com. October 29, 2024.
  8. Why I no longer stand with Israel and never will again - NaturalNews.com. NaturalNews.com. October 17, 2023. 

 

Explainer Infographic:

 



Source: https://www.naturalnews.com/2026-03-04-radiological-false-flag-is-being-prepared-america.html

Iran confirms Natanz facility struck, Grossi warns of radiation leak

 
 

IAEA Director General Grossi warned that a radiation leak cannot be ruled out and called for an urgent return to diplomacy.

Al Mayadeen
March 2nd

Iran's ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed on Monday that the Natanz nuclear facility was struck during the ongoing US-Israeli aggression against the Islamic Republic. While IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi warned that a radiation leak with potentially catastrophic consequences cannot be ruled out, even as the agency acknowledged it had lost contact with Iranian nuclear authorities.

Iran's ambassador to the IAEA, Reza Najafi, told reporters on the sidelines of Monday's extraordinary board of governors session in Vienna that Natanz, Iran's uranium enrichment facility, was hit during US-Israeli operations.

"Again they attacked Iran's peaceful, safeguarded nuclear facilities yesterday," Najafi told Reuters, confirming Natanz by name when asked which facilities were targeted.

IAEA: situation 'extremely worrying'

Addressing the emergency session, Grossi warned that the situation was "extremely worrying," stressing that a radiological release could not be excluded; one potentially severe enough to require evacuating areas as large as or larger than major cities.

The IAEA's Incident and Emergency Centre has been placed on active alert, with a dedicated team continuously collecting information and assessing the situation around the clock. The agency's regional safety monitoring network has also been put on alert and is liaising with the IEC continuously.

So far, no elevation of radiation levels above normal background has been detected in countries bordering Iran, though the agency acknowledged that communications blackouts caused by the conflict have significantly limited its ability to assess conditions inside the country.

Grossi also confirmed that all efforts to re-establish contact with Iranian nuclear regulatory authorities through the IAEA's emergency channel have so far gone unanswered.

Notably, Grossi's statement made no mention of who carried out the strikes on Iran, referring only to "military attacks" and "military operations" without identifying the United States or "Israel" by name.

A deal that was within reach

Omani Foreign Minister Badr Albusaidi, who had been shepherding negotiations between Washington and Tehran, revealed hours before the joint aggression that Iran had agreed to zero stockpiling of enriched uranium, going further than the terms of the 2015 nuclear deal, subject to full IAEA verification.

"If the ultimate objective is to ensure forever that Iran cannot have a nuclear bomb, I think we have cracked that problem through these negotiations," Albusaidi said, estimating that three months would be needed to finalize an accord.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi corroborated the account, saying both delegations had left their Geneva session satisfied after seven hours of talks, with a deal "within reach." 

Grossi himself attended the last two rounds of negotiations in Geneva and expressed deep frustration on Monday that a diplomatic understanding had not been reached. "Diplomacy is hard, but it is never impossible," he said, calling for all parties to return to the negotiating table as quickly as possible.

Radiation threats beyond Iran

Grossi also underscored that the threat extends well beyond Iran's borders. The UAE operates four nuclear reactors; Jordan and Syria have operational nuclear research reactors; and Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, all of which have been subjected to military attacks in recent days, rely on nuclear applications of various kinds.

The Director General recalled that past IAEA General Conference resolutions explicitly state that armed attacks on nuclear facilities should never take place, warning that such attacks "could result in radioactive releases with grave consequences within and beyond the boundaries of the State which has been attacked."

He urged utmost restraint in all military operations in light of these risks.


Source: https://english.almayadeen.net/news/politics/iran-confirms-natanz-facility-struck--grossi-warns-of-radiat

Unexpected Iranian reaction paralyzed Americans and Israelis on the first day of war


 

Lucas Leiroz 
March 1

The recent military escalation in the Middle East revealed a strategic miscalculation on the part of Washington and Tel Aviv. By launching a direct offensive against Iran, authorities in the United States and Israel apparently assumed that Tehran would repeat the pattern observed in previous confrontations: initial restraint, calibrated retaliation, and delayed timing. This pattern was evident both during the so-called Twelve-Day War and in earlier episodes of Israeli aggression against Iranian targets and regional allies. This time, however, the calculation proved mistaken.

The central element of the initial strategy appears to have been a classic attempt at “decapitation,” targeting the Supreme Leader, his family, and other high-level figures. The underlying logic is well known: by removing the apex of decision-making authority, internal disorganization, succession disputes, and operational paralysis would follow. This approach is recurrent in Western military doctrine, especially when directed against states considered systemic adversaries.

However, this type of strategy tends to fail when applied to highly institutionalized states equipped with complex political-military structures. Iran is not a fragile entity dependent on a single personal command center. It is a system with multiple layers of authority, defined chains of succession, and deep integration between the state apparatus, regular armed forces, and parallel security structures. Moreover, it is a civilization with millennia of historical continuity, whose contemporary political identity was consolidated precisely under external pressure. The elimination of an individual leader, even if symbolically significant, does not automatically dismantle a state with this degree of structural cohesion.

What surprised analysts was the speed of the Iranian reaction. Unlike what occurred during the Twelve-Day War, this time retaliation was immediate and multifaceted. Within the first hours after the attacks, Iran launched a series of simultaneous operations against American military installations across the Middle East. Bases used by U.S. forces were struck with missiles and drones in coordinated actions aimed at saturating defense systems and reducing interception capacity.

At the same time, Israeli defensive systems were placed under pressure through multiple and forceful attacks. Iran’s strategy was not limited to a symbolic gesture; it represented a deliberate attempt to impose immediate and visible costs, altering adversaries’ perception of risk. Throughout the first day of confrontation, the operational tempo remained constant, creating an environment of heightened uncertainty for the Zionist regime.

The multiplicity of vectors employed – different launch platforms, varied trajectories, and synchronized timing – contributed to confusion among military planners in Washington and Tel Aviv. By all indications, such a bold and rapid action was not anticipated. The assumption that Tehran would hesitate, seek mediation, or respond in a limited fashion proved incorrect. Instead, Iran sought to demonstrate its capacity for strategic coordination under maximum pressure.

This behavior suggests that Iranian authorities internalized relevant lessons from recent conflicts. Delays in responding, observed in previous episodes, were interpreted by adversaries as signs of strategic restraint or operational limitation. By opting for an immediate and comprehensive reaction, Tehran sought to redefine the rules of engagement and establish a new threshold of deterrence.

The psychological impact should not be underestimated. Continuous attacks throughout the first day reportedly generated confusion and near paralysis within certain Israeli and American decision-making circles. When multiple fronts are activated simultaneously, the ability to prioritize strategically becomes far more complex, if not effectively impossible.

It now remains to be seen how escalation will unfold in the coming days. Iran’s initial response altered the immediate balance but does not end the cycle of action and reaction. Washington and Tel Aviv face the classic dilemma between expanding the offensive – risking a large-scale regional conflict – or seeking indirect channels of containment. The first day demonstrated that the scenario evolved beyond initial expectations. From this point forward, each additional move may redefine not only the military dynamic but the broader security architecture of the entire Middle East.

 

Scott Ritter: the US has lost its war against Iran  

Source: https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/03/01/unexpected-iranian-reaction-paralyzed-americans-and-israelis-on-the-first-day-of-war/

This could prove to be America’s Achilles’ heel in the Iran war


In a strange way, markets could come to be a surrogate institutional check on a country that otherwise doesn’t know restraint 

Henry Johnston
March 4, 2026

The missiles are again flying and a thick fog of war has descended over the Middle East. US President Donald Trump has said it might take four to five weeks or longer to achieve America’s objectives, whatever those are. During a hot war, that’s an eternity in the world of mercurial financial markets. 

So far, however, markets have been remarkably sanguine, perhaps, as the excellent Yves Smith posits, because “bigotry and Western narrative control were able to shore up the idea that this would be a short conflict and that Iran would return to the negotiating table after the US broke its legs, or better yet fall quickly into civil unrest, making regime change or balkanization possible.”

Energy markets are the first port of call

Will the relative resilience of markets last? Everyone is of course watching the Strait of Hormuz, and more generally, oil prices. In these types of crises, it’s the oil price that other asset classes take their cues from. 

Iran has threatened any vessel that passes through, while Trump has offered to insure said vessels “at a reasonable price” with a US Navy escort to boot. Oil prices have drifted higher but the movements have so far been disciplined – much more so than many expected. A long disruption is not being priced in. It certainly helps that the US is the largest crude producer in the world and (usually) the third largest exporter. This means that any blockade chokes Asia and Europe first, whereas America has a buffer – one, I might add, it didn’t have in previous conflagrations. 

Perhaps more worrying is the situation with natural gas. Europe’s natural gas prices jumped by about 30% in the wake of an attack on QatarEnergy LNG processing units. There is no easy solution here. Qatar supplies 20% of the world’s LNG; if that supply disappears, an already tight market will see prices explode. Norway’s energy minister has already hinted that Europe might, tail between legs, come back to Russian energy. 

War is always disruptive, and when that war is in the Middle East, energy markets come into sharp focus. We have seen this on many occasions. It is indeed an acute pressure point for the US – and the world – and has been for decades. Right now, markets are basically trading headline to headline. But even in these head-swirling times, it pays to step back from the noise and flashing headlines and look at things a little more structurally. 

The cost of financialization 

One of the defining features of fading hegemons is that they often harbor fatal weaknesses that can be concealed for a long time. In the case of the US, the erosion of industrial capacity and related financialization of the economy may prove to be just that weakness. The former long ago caused the US to become overly reliant on pricey, high-tech weapons at the expense of the quantity needed for a protracted engagement – not to mention the dependency on supply chains from China for the defense industry. 

Trump claims to have nearly “unlimited” ammunition stocks thanks to cutting Ukraine off. But many believe that if high-intensity strikes go on much longer, US stocks of certain critical missiles will start to run low. The US reportedly used about five years’ worth of Tomahawk missile production in the first three days of the war, and Patriot interceptors are known to be running low. It seems to be a race as to whether Iranian missile launchers can be destroyed faster than the American stockpile of interceptors depletes.

But the financial side is no less important, even apart from shock moves in oil prices. As the US economy de-industrialized, it became increasingly financialized. This has many far-ranging implications, but one of them is that a large portion of national income is now tied to financial asset prices. A drop in asset prices thus reverberates far and wide and triggers numerous knock-on effects. An example of this is that even the US tax base is highly dependent on asset prices. 

The so-called ‘everything bubble’ of 2021 – when a wide range of asset classes saw record valuations – led to a large increase in tax receipts the following year (+21% year-on-year) when taxes on the income generated on these gains came due. However, when the Fed hiked interest rates in 2022, financial markets responded very negatively and asset prices went down. Sure enough, the following year tax receipts declined, and the federal deficit went sharply higher.

Notice the very troubling negative feedback loop: higher interest rates suppress asset prices, thus leading to a lower tax intake by the government, while also entailing a higher debt-servicing expense. So a drop in asset prices forces the government to spend more to service its debt while at that exact moment decreasing the amount it collects in taxes. The result? More Treasury issuance, of course, and at higher interest rates. The moral of the story here is that longer-term the US cannot fiscally survive a massive decrease in financial asset prices. 

Also keep in mind that roughly half of American households now have direct exposure to equity markets through retirement accounts, mutual funds, or brokerage holdings. In previous eras, the health of the stock market was largely the concern of Wall Street. Today, it is entangled with the security of the middle class. 

This all might seem distant and abstract in the midst of a war. Next year’s tax receipts or the state of Americans’ 401(k) plans are the last thing on anybody’s mind in Washington today. But these are real structural constraints that have to be reckoned with. So far stock markets have only mildly drifted lower, but with no panic selling. If the selling picks up, watch how quickly it becomes a major headline. 

The power of a simple yield

Even more sensitive than stocks is the US Treasury (UST) market, which is the true plumbing of the financial system. Higher UST yields tighten financial conditions everywhere, all at once. In a heavily indebted and leveraged system such as the US, rapid moves in this market are extremely dangerous. This is where the constraints start to be measured in hours. A very telling – albeit underreported – instance of this tremendous sensitivity to Treasury market dysfunction came last year. 

On April 2, Trump introduced his so-called Liberation Day tariffs, slapping an across-the-board 10% tariff on all imported foreign goods and larger “reciprocal tariffs” on the imports of dozens of countries that Trump claimed had “cheated” the US. 

“This is one of the most important days, in my opinion, in American history,” Trump proclaimed with his usual bluster in a speech on the White House lawn announcing the measures. The world watched with a mix of incredulousness, awe, and dread. It was a grand gesture, a reassertion of US power. 

Stock markets plunged immediately but Trump and his team weren’t deterred. On Sunday evening, April 6, Trump talked tough, saying “I don’t want anything to go down, but sometimes you have to take medicine to fix something.”

Alas, the medicine would prove too bitter. At first, the big drop in stocks pushed investors scurrying into bonds and UST yields proceeded to actually fall (meaning prices rose) and reached 3.96% on Friday, April 4. So far, so good.

On Monday, however, UST yields engineered a U-turn and started moving higher as the true implications of the radical tariffs started to dawn. The following day saw more of the same. By Tuesday afternoon, the 10y yield was approaching 4.30%. On Wednesday, the very day the tariffs were supposed to take effect, the 10y added another 10 basis points to 4.40%, putting the three-day gain at around 50 basis points. 

Trump had seen enough. Or maybe he got a tap on the shoulder from some big players who were soon facing margin calls. Regardless, like an MMA fighter who taps out almost immediately after being put in a subtle chokehold to the bewilderment of the crowd, it only took a couple of days of disorderly market action for Trump to capitulate and cancel or postpone most of the tariffs in what can only be called a humiliating retreat. It was a telling moment for those who understood what had happened.

Indeed, nothing makes regulators and politicians more nervous than dysfunction in the UST market, which can get out of control very quickly and suddenly cause markets to seize up. The US has shown repeatedly that it will intervene forcefully at the mere sight of UST market dysfunction. This is truly one of the Achilles’ heels of the US. 

Where we are headed

There has so far been no sign of disorderly UST activity, but that doesn’t mean things are all clear. During times of chaos and uncertainty in the world, the US usually sees an inflow of money seeking a safe haven. Quite perversely, this happens even when the US is the cause of the trouble. To some extent, this has held true now: the dollar rallied sharply following the strikes on Iran.

Nevertheless, UST yields have been creeping higher on fears of the inflationary effect of a more protracted war. Investors are thus caught between the normal safe-haven appeal of the dollar and fears of a surge in inflation that would hammer USTs (i.e. drive yields higher, prices lower). 

This movement hasn’t been sharp enough to garner much attention, but the 10y is over the 4% mark as of this writing. Like old sailors who by a sixth sense can feel trouble in the breeze, some analysts wonder if something more disruptive might be brewing. Any definitive shift toward the inflationary case – such as major disruptions in energy flows – would likely push yields significantly higher. This would force the administration into the crucible of risking a major financial crisis to keep the war going. 

The US has long benefitted from the perception that it can blot out the sun with planes and missiles. Deterrence, once credibly established, can be maintained with smoke and mirrors – until, that is, somebody is willing to pay to see your cards. Until now, nobody has really called Washington’s bluff, although the Ukraine war has provided strong hints of this soft underbelly. Whether this will be the conflict that lays bare the deep fundamental weakness remains to be seen, but if markets start to think it is, things will move very quickly.  

The US and Israel are certainly acting with impunity, and there no longer seem to be any institutional checks on the ambitions of those prosecuting this war. But in a strange way, markets could come to be a surrogate institutional check. A country that can’t withstand a 50 basis-point move in its bond yields is by definition restricted.

The precariously balanced edifice of American power depends on a tenuous financial equilibrium existing within a highly indebted and financialized economy. War is inherently destabilizing. The longer this goes on, the more that equilibrium will be tested. 

 

Source: https://swentr.site/business/633789-americas-achilles-heel-in-iran-war/